I Choose to Augment Negative Characteristics in Other People to Have an Excuse Not to See Them Again

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The Role of Positive Emotions in Positive Psychology

The Broaden-and-Build Theory of Positive Emotions

Abstract

In this article, the writer describes a new theoretical perspective on positive emotions and situates this new perspective within the emerging field of positive psychology. The broaden-and-build theory posits that experiences of positive emotions broaden people's momentary thought-action repertoires, which in turn serves to build their enduring personal resource, ranging from physical and intellectual resources to social and psychological resources. Preliminary empirical evidence supporting the broaden-and-build theory is reviewed, and open up empirical questions that remain to exist tested are identified. The theory and findings suggest that the capacity to experience positive emotions may be a cardinal human strength fundamental to the study of homo flourishing.

The mission of positive psychology is to understand and foster the factors that allow individuals, communities, and societies to flourish (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). What part do positive emotions play in this mission? On start consideration, the answer seems simple: Positive emotions serve as markers of flourishing, or optimal well-beingness. Certainly moments in people's lives characterized by experiences of positive emotions—such as joy, interest, contentment, honey, and the like—are moments in which they are not plagued by negative emotions—such as anxiety, sadness, acrimony, and despair. Consistent with this intuition, the overall rest of people's positive and negative emotions has been shown to predict their judgments of subjective well-being (Diener, Sandvik, & Pavot, 1991). Edifice on this finding, Kahneman (1999) suggested that "objective happiness" can best be measured by tracking (and afterward aggregating) people's momentary experiences of good and bad feelings (but see Fredrickson, 2000c). According to these perspectives, positive emotions signal flourishing. But this is not the whole story: Positive emotions as well produce flourishing. Moreover, they do so non simply within the present, pleasant moment just over the long term as well. The take-dwelling message is that positive emotions are worth cultivating, not just as end states in themselves but too as a means to achieving psychological growth and improved well-being over fourth dimension.

A review of current perspectives on emotions, touch, and their corresponding functions provides an important properties. A selective review follows.

Perspectives on Emotions and Touch on

Working definitions of emotions and impact vary somewhat across researchers. Nonetheless despite ongoing debate (e.k., Diener, 1999; Ekman & Davidson, 1994), consensus is emerging that emotions are but a subset of the broader class of affective phenomena. Emotions, according to this perspective, are all-time conceptualized every bit multicomponent response tendencies that unfold over relatively brusque time spans. Typically, an emotion begins with an individual's cess of the personal meaning of some ancestor event. This appraisal process may exist either conscious or unconscious, and it triggers a pour of response tendencies manifest across loosely coupled component systems, such as subjective experience, facial expression, cerebral processing, and physiological changes.

Impact, a more than general concept, refers to consciously accessible feelings. Although touch on is nowadays within emotions (as the component of subjective experience), it is also present inside many other melancholia phenomena, including physical sensations, attitudes, moods, and fifty-fifty affective traits. Thus, emotions are distinct from touch in multiple ways. First, emotions are typically most some personally meaningful circumstance (i.eastward., they accept an object), whereas affect is often free-floating or objectless (Oatley & Jenkins, 1996; Russell & Feldman Barrett, 1999; Ryff & Singer, in press). Additionally, emotions are typically brief and implicate the multiple-component systems described above, whereas affect is frequently more long-lasting and may be salient only at the level of subjective experience (Ekman, 1994; Rosenberg, 1998; Russell & Feldman Barrett, 1999). Finally, emotions are often conceptualized every bit fitting into discrete categories of emotion families, like fear, anger, joy, and interest. Affect, past dissimilarity, is often conceptualized equally varying forth ii dimensions, either pleasantness and activation (Russell & Feldman Barrett, 1999) or positive and negative emotional activation (Teilegen, Walson, & Clark, 1999).

Perspectives on the Functions of Affect and Emotions

Positive touch on, according to numerous theorists, facilitates approach behavior (Cacioppo, Gardner, & Berntson, 1999; Davidson, 1993; Watson, Wiese, Vaidya, & Teilegen, 1999) or continued action (Carver & Scheier, 1990; Clore, 1994). From this perspective, experiences of positive affect prompt individuals to engage with their environments and partake in activities, many of which are adaptive for the private, its species, or both. This link betwixt positive affect and activity engagement provides an explanation for She often-documented positivity start, or the tendency for individuals to experience balmy positive touch oft, even in neutral contexts (Diener & Diener, 1996; Ito & Cacioppo, 1999). Without such an offset, individuals most often would be unmotivated to engage with their environments. Yet with such an showtime, individuals showroom the adaptive bias to approach and explore novel objects, people, or situations. (See Watson et al., 1999, for a related caption for diurnal patterns of positive emotional activation.)

Because positive emotions include a component of positive bear upon, they also function as internal signals to approach or continue. Even then, positive emotions share this function with a range of other positive affective states. Sensory pleasure, for instance, motivates people to approach and continue consuming whatsoever stimulus is biologically useful for them at the moment (Cabanac, 1971). Too, free-floating positive moods motivate people to continue along whatever line of thinking or action that they have initiated (Clore, 1994). As such, functional accounts of positive emotions that emphasize tendencies to approach or continue may only capture the everyman mutual denominator across all affective states that share a pleasant subjective feel, leaving additional functions unique to specific positive emotions uncharted.

Detached emotion theorists often link the function of specific emotions to the concept of specific activeness tendencies (Frijda, 1986; Frijda, Kuipers, & Schure, 1989; Lazarus, 1991; Levenson, 1994; Oatley & Jenkins, 1996; Tooby & Cosmides, 1990). Fear, for example, is linked with the urge to escape, anger with the urge to attack, disgust with the urge to expel, so on. It is not that people invariably human action out these urges when feeling item emotions. Rather, people's ideas about possible courses of activeness narrow in on a specific fix of behavioral options. A fundamental idea from this perspective is that a specific action trend is what makes an emotion evolutionarily adaptive: These are amidst the actions that presumably worked best in helping human ancestors survive life-or-death situations (Tooby & Cosmides, 1990). Another key idea from trie specific emotions perspective is that specific action tendencies and physiological changes go mitt in hand. Then, for example, when someone experiences an urge to escape when feeling fear, that person'southward body reacts past mobilizing appropriate autonomic support for the possibility of running (Levenson, 1994).

Although specific action tendencies accept been invoked to describe the part of specific posiiive emotions as well, the activeness tendencies identified for positive emotions are notably vague and underspecified (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998). For case, joy has been linked with aimless activation, involvement with attention, and contentment with inactivity (Frijda, 1986). These tendencies are far too general to be called specific (Fredrickson, 1998). They resemble generic urges to do anything or exercise nothing more than urges to do something quite specific, like flee, attack, or spit. This is troublesome: If the activity tendencies triggered by positive emotions are vague, their effects on survival may be inconsequential. And so, like the view centered on generic approach tendencies, the view centered on specific action tendencies yields an incomplete analysis of the role of positive emotions.

The Broaden-and-Build Theory of Positive Emotions

To accelerate understanding in this area, I formulated a new theoretical model to better capture the unique effects of positive emotions. I phone call this the broaden-and-buiid theory of posiiive emotions (Fredrickson, 1998). This theory states that certain discrete positive emotions—including joy, interest, contentment, pride, and love—although phenomenologically singled-out, all share the ability to broaden people'south momentary thought-action repertoires and build their enduring personal resource, ranging from concrete and intellectual resource to social and psychological resource.

I contrast this new theory (o traditional models based on specific action tendencies. Specific activity tendencies work well to describe the office of negative emotions and should be retained for models of this subset of emotions. Without loss of theoretical dash, a specific action tendency can exist redescribed every bit the outcome of a psychological process that narrows a person'south momentary thought–action repertoire past calling to mind an urge to act in a item way (e.k., escape, assail, miscarry). In a life-threatening situation, a narrowed thought–action repertoire promotes quick and decisive activeness that carries direct and immediate do good. Specific action tendencies called along by negative emotions correspond the sort of actions that probable worked best to save homo ancestors' lives and limbs in similar situations.

Although positive emotions can occur in agin circumstances, the typical context of positive emotions is not a life-threatening situation. As such, a psychological process that narrows a person's momentary thought-action repertoire to promote quick and decisive action may not be needed. Instead, the positive emotions of joy, interest, contentment, pride, and love appear to have a complementary result: They augment people's momentary thought-action repertoires, widening the array of the thoughts and actions that come to heed (Fredrickson, 1998; Fredrickson & Branigan, 2001). Conceptual analyses of a range of positive emotions back up this merits. Joy, for instance, broadens past creating the urge to play, button the limits, and exist creative. These urges are axiomatic not only in social and physical behavior, but also in intellectual and artistic behavior (Ellsworth & Smith, 1988; Frijda, 1986). Interest, a phenomenologically distinct positive emotion, broadens by creating the urge to explore, take in new information and experiences, and expand the cocky in the process (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990; Izard, 1977; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Tomkins, 1962). Contentment, a tertiary distinct positive emotion, broadens by creating the urge to savor current life circumstances and integrate these circumstances into new views of cocky and of the world (Izard, 1977). Pride, a quaternary distinct positive emotion that follows personal achievements, broadens by creating the urge to share news of the accomplishment with others and to envision even greater achievements in the hereafter (Lewis, 1993). Honey, conceptualized as an amalgam of distinct positive emotions (e.thou., joy, involvement, contentment) experienced within contexts of condom, close relationships (Izard, 1977), broadens by creating recurring cycles of urges to play with, explore, and enjoy experiences with loved ones. These various idea-activity tendencies—to play, to explore, to savour and integrate, or to envision hereafter achievement—each represent ways that positive emotions augment habitual modes of thinking or acting (Fredrickson, 1998,2000a; Fredrickson & Branigan, 2001).

In contrast to negative emotions, which carry directly and immediate adaptive benefits in situations that threaten survival, the broadened idea-activity repertoires triggered by positive emotions are beneficial in other means. Specifically, these broadened mindsets carry indirect and long-term adaptive benefits because broadening builds enduring personal resources, which function as reserves to be drawn on subsequently to manage future threats.

Have play, the urge associated with joy, as an example. Creature research has found that specific forms of chasing play evident in juveniles of a species, similar running into a flexible sapling or branch and catapulting oneself in an unexpected direction, are seen in adults of that species exclusively during predator avoidance (Dolhinow, 1987). Such correspondences suggest that juvenile play builds enduring physical resource (Boulton & Smith, 1992; Caro, 1988). Play as well builds indelible social resources: Social play, with its shared amusement, excitement, and smiles, builds lasting social bonds and attachments (Aron, Norman, Aron, McKenna, & Heyman, 2000; Lee, 1983; Simons, McCluskey-Fawcett, & Papini, 1986), which can become the locus of subsequent social support. Childhood play as well builds indelible intellectual resources by increasing levels of inventiveness (Sherrod & Singer, 1989), creating theory of heed (Leslie, 1987), and fueling encephalon development (Panksepp, 1998). Other positive emotions, like interest, contentment, pride, and dear, similarly augment individuals' personal resources, ranging from physical and social resource to intellectual and psychological resource. (Fuller descriptions of the broaden-and-build theory are bachelor in Fredrickson, 1998, 2000a, in press; Fredrickson & Branigan, 2001.)

It is important to notation that the personal resource accrued during states of positive emotions are conceptualized as durable. They outlive the transient emotional states that led to their acquisition. By outcome, so, the often incidental effect of experiencing a positive emotion is an increase in i'southward personal resources. These resources function as reserves that can exist drawn on in subsequent moments and in different emotional states.

In curt, the broaden-and-build theory describes the form of positive emotions in terms of broadened thought–action repertoires and describes their function in terms of building enduring personal resources. In doing so, the theory provides a new perspective on the evolved adaptive significance of positive emotions. Human ancestors who succumbed to the urges sparked past positive emotions to play, explore, and so on would have by upshot accrued more personal resources. When these same ancestors subsequently faced inevitable threats to life and limb, their greater personal resources would take translated into greater odds of survival, and, in plow, greater odds of living long plenty to reproduce. To the extent, then, that the capacity to feel positive emotions is genetically encoded, this chapters, through the process of natural choice, would have become role of universal homo nature.

Testify for the Augment-and-Build Theory

Empirical support for several key propositions of the broaden-and-build theory can be fatigued from multiple sub-disciplines within psychology, ranging from cognition and intrinsic motivation to attachment styles and animal behavior (for a review, run across Fredrickson, 1998). This prove suggests that positive emotions broaden the scopes of attending, cognition, and action and that they build physical, intellectual, and social resources. Yet much of this evidence, because it predated the broaden-and-build theory, provides only indirect support for the model. My collaborators and I have since initiated direct tests of hypotheses fatigued from the augment-and-build theory. Although much work remains to be done, I briefly draw our preliminary findings here. My hope is that this initial evidence will cultivate interest amidst readers to conduct further studies on positive emotions that may serve to test and refine the broaden-and-build theory (Fredrickson, 2000b).

Positive Emotions Broaden Thought-Action Repertoires

Foundational evidence for the proposition that positive emotions augment people's momentary thought-activity repertoires comes from two decades of experiments conducted past Isen and colleagues (for a review, meet Isen, 2000). They accept documented that people experiencing positive affect show patterns of thought that are notably unusual (Isen, Johnson, Mertz, & Robinson, 1985), flexible (Isen & Daubman, 1984), artistic (Isen, Daubman, & Nowicki, 1987), integrative (Isen, Rosenzweig, & Young, 1991), open to information (Estrada, Isen, & Young, 1997), and efficient (Isen & Means, 1983; Isen et al., 1991). They have also shown that those experiencing positive impact evidence an increased preference for variety and accept a broader array of behavioral options (Kahn & Isen, 1993). In general terms, Isen has suggested that positive affect produces a "wide, flexible cognitive system and ability to integrate diverse cloth" (Isen, 1990, p. 89), effects recently linked to increases in encephalon dopamine levels (Ashby, Isen, & Turken, 1999). And then although Isen's work does not target specific positive emotions or thought-activity tendencies per se, information technology provides the strongest evidence that positive affect broadens noesis. Whereas negative emotions have long been known to narrow people'due south attending, making them miss the forest for the trees (or the suspect's style of dress for the gun), recent work suggests that positive affect may aggrandize attending (Derryberry & Tucker, 1994). The evidence comes from studies that use global-local visual processing paradigms to assess biases in attentional focus. Negative states—like feet, depression, and failure—predict local biases consistent with narrowed attention, whereas positive states—like subjective well-being, optimism, and success—predict global biases consistent with broadened attending (Basso, Schefft, Ris, & Dember, 1996; Derryberry & Tucker, 1994).

These findings provide initial empirical footing for the hypothesis, drawn from the broaden-and-build theory, that singled-out types of positive emotions serve to broaden people'southward momentary thought–action repertoires, whereas distinct types of negative emotions serve to narrow these same repertoires. With Christine Branigan, I tested this broadening hypothesis by showing research participants short, emotionally evocative film clips to induce the specific emotions of joy, contentment, fearfulness, and anger. We also used a nonemotional film prune as a neutral control condition. Immediately following each film clip, we measured the breadth of participants' thought–action repertoires. Nosotros asked them to footstep away from the specifics of the pic and imagine being in a state of affairs in which similar feelings would arise. We so asked them to list what they would like to do right so, given this feeling. Participants recorded their responses on up to 20 bare lines that began with the phrase "I would like to."

Tallying the things each participant listed, Branigan and I found support for the broadening hypothesis. Participants in the two positive emotions atmospheric condition (joy and contentment) identified more than things that they would like to do right and so relative to those in the 2 negative emotion weather (fear and anger) and, more important, relative to those in the neutral control condition. Those in the two negative emotion weather likewise named fewer things than did those in the neutral control condition (Fredrickson & Branigan, 2000).

These data provide preliminary show that 2 distinct types of positive emotion—a loftier activation state of joy and a low activation state of contentment—each produce a broader thought-activity repertoire than does a neutral land. Likewise, two distinct types of negative emotion—fright and anger—each produce a narrower idea-action repertoire than does a neutral state. This pattern of results supports a core proposition of the augment-and-build theory: that singled-out positive emotions widen the array of thoughts and deportment that come up to mind. By contrast, distinct negative emotions, as models based on specific action tendencies would advise, shrink this aforementioned array.

Despite this encouraging initial bear witness, many questions arise: Exercise other positive and negative emotions (e.thousand., interest, pride, dearest and sadness, disgust) accommodate to these effects? Do the effects generalize to other measures of broadened noesis? If so, what basic cognitive processes underlie this phenomenon? Do distinct positive emotions broaden (and distinct negative emotions narrow) the scope of attention or the scope of working memory? What are the neurological underpinnings? Are these effects mediated by changing levels of circulating brain dopamine, as Ashby and colleagues (1999) accept suggested? What brain structures, circuits, and processes are involved? Finally, how are broadened idea–action repertoires translated into decisions and activity? These and other questions provide directions for futurity work.

Positive Emotions Disengage Lingering Negative Emotions

Evidence for the broadening hypothesis has articulate implications for the strategies that people use to regulate their experiences of negative emotions. If negative emotions narrow the momentary thought–action repertoire and positive emotions augment this same repertoire, then positive emotions ought to function every bit efficient antidotes for the lingering furnishings of negative emotions. In other words, positive emotions might correct or undo the after furnishings of negative emotions; my colleagues and I phone call this the undoing hypothesis (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998; Fredrickson, Mancuso, Branigan, & Tugade, in press). The basic observation that positive emotions (or cardinal components of them) are somehow incompatible with negative emotions is not new and has been demonstrated in earlier work on anxiety disorders (e.g., systematic desensitization; Wolpe, 1958), motivation (e.yard., opponent-process theory; Solomon & Corbit, 1974), and aggression (due east.g., principle of incompatible responses; Baron, 1976). Nonetheless, the precise mechanism ultimately responsible for this incompatibility has not been adequately identified. The broadening function of positive emotions may play a role. By broadening a person'southward momentary thought–action repertoire, a positive emotion may loosen the concur that a negative emotion has gained on that person's mind and body by dismantling or undoing preparation for specific action.

One marker of the specific action tendencies associated with negative emotions is increased cardiovascular activeness, which redistributes blood period to relevant skeletal muscles. In the context of negative emotions, so, positive emotions should speed recovery from or undo this cardiovascular reactivity, returning the body to more midrange levels of activation. By accelerating cardiovascular recovery, positive emotions create the actual context suitable for pursuing the broader array of thoughts and deportment called forth.

My collaborators and I tested this undoing hypothesis by kickoff inducing a high-activation negative emotion in all participants (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998; Fredrickson et al., in press). In one report (Fredrickson et al., in press), we used a time-pressured speech preparation task. In just one minute, participants prepared a speech on the topic "Why yous are a good friend," believing that their speech would be videotaped and evaluated by their peers. This speech job induced the subjective feel of anxiety forth with increases in eye rate, peripheral vasoconstriction, and systolic and diastolic blood pressure level. Into this context of anxiety-related sympathetic arousal, we randomly assigned participants to view i of iv films. Two films elicited balmy positive emotions (joy and contentment), and a third served equally a neutral control condition. Notably, these three films, when viewed following a resting baseline, arm-twist virtually no cardiovascular reactivity (Fredrickson et al., in printing). And then the two positive-emotion films used in this study are indistinguishable from neutrality with respect to cardiovascular changes. Our 4th moving-picture show elicited sadness. We chose sadness every bit an additional comparison considering, among the negative emotions, it has not been definitively linked to a high-energy action tendency, and thus it could be a contender for speeding cardiovascular recovery.

The undoing hypothesis predicts that those who feel positive emotions on the heels of a high-activation negative emotion will show the fastest cardiovascular recovery. My colleagues and I tested this by measuring the time elapsed from the first of the randomly assigned movie until the cardiovascular reactions induced by the negative emotion returned to baseline levels. In iii contained samples, participants in the two positive emotion conditions (joy and contentment) exhibited faster cardiovascular recovery than did those in the neutral control condition. Participants in the sadness condition exhibited the most protracted recovery (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998; Fredrickson et al., in press).

Although the two positive-emotion films and the neutral moving-picture show did non differ in what they do to the cardiovascular system, these data advise that they practise differ in what they can disengage within this organisation. Two singled-out types of positive emotions—mild joy and delectation—share the ability to disengage the lingering cardiovascular aftereffects of negative emotions. Although the precise cognitive and physiological mechanisms of the undoing effect remain unknown, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that broadening at the cognitive level mediates undoing at the cardiovascular level. Phenomenologically, positive emotions may help people identify the events in their lives in broader context, lessening the resonance of any particular negative result. Perhaps pointing to physiological markers of broadening effects, some have suggested that parasympathetic cardiac command (measured as heart charge per unit variability or respiratory sinus arrhythmia) underlies positive emotions likewise as the power to regulate negative emotions (Play a trick on, 1989; McCraty, Atkinson, Tiller, Rein, & Watkins, 1995; Porges, 1995). Testing these suggestions and extending the piece of work to other emotions and other contexts provide a road map for future research.

Positive Emotions Fuel Psychological Resiliency

Show for the undoing result of positive emotions suggests that people might improve their psychological well-being, and perhaps also their physical wellness, past cultivating experiences of positive emotions at opportune moments to cope with negative emotions (Fredrickson, 2000a). Folkman and colleagues have made similar claims that experiences of positive impact during chronic stress assistance people cope (Folkman, 1997; Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000; Lazarus, Kanner, & Folkman, 1980). Show supporting this claim can exist drawn from experiments showing that positive touch on facilitates attending to negative, self-relevant data (Reed & Aspinwall, 1998; Trope & Neter, 1994; Trope & Pomerantz, 1998; for a review, run into Aspinwall, 1998). Extrapolating from these findings, Aspinwall (2001) described how positive affect and positive beliefs serve as resources for people coping with arduousness (see also Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997; Taylor, Kemeny, Reed, Bower, & Gruenewald, 2000).

Information technology seems plausible that some individuals, more than others, might intuitively understand and use the benefits of positive emotions to their advantage. One candidate individual difference is psychological resilience. Resilient individuals are said to bounce back from stressful experiences rapidly and efficiently, just as resilient metals bend but exercise not break (Carver, 1998; Lazarus, 1993). This theoretical definition of resilience suggests that, relative to their less resilient peers, resilient individuals would exhibit faster cardiovascular recovery following a loftier-activation negative emotion. Additionally, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that this ability to bounce dorsum to cardiovascular baseline may be fueled past experiences of positive emotion.

With Michele Tugade, I tested these two hypotheses about resilient individuals using the same time-pressured speech grooming task (described earlier) to induce a high-activation negative emotion. We measured psychological resilience using Block and Kremen's (1996) self-report scale. It is interesting to note that resilience did not predict the levels of anxiety participants reported experiencing during the spoken language task or the magnitude of their cardiovascular reactions to the stressful task, both of which were considerable. Resilience did, however, predict participants' reports of positive emotions. Before the speech job was even introduced, more than resilient individuals reported higher levels of preexisting positive affect on an initial mood measure out. When afterward asked how they felt during the fourth dimension-pressured spoken language preparation phase, more than resilient individuals reported that alongside their high anxiety, they also experienced higher levels of happiness and involvement.

As predicted by the theoretical definition of psychological resilience, more resilient participants exhibited significantly faster returns to baseline levels of cardiovascular activation post-obit the voice communication task. Moreover, as predicted by the broaden-and-build theory, this difference in fourth dimension needed to achieve cardiovascular recovery was mediated by differences in positive emotions (Tugade & Fredrickson, 2000).

These data suggest that positive emotions may fuel psychological resilience. In effect, and so, resilient individuals may exist—wittingly or unwittingly—expert users of the undoing effect of positive emotions. Again, questions ascend from this initial written report: Practise resilient individuals intentionally recruit positive emotions to cope? If and then, how do they practice it? Folkman and Moskowitz (2000) identified three kinds of coping that tin can generate positive affect during stressful circumstances: positive reappraisal, problem-focused coping, and the infusion of ordinary events with positive meaning. Exercise resilient individuals utilise any or all of these strategies? If so, can these strategies be taught to less resilient individuals? Finally, practice resilient individuals recall more broadly, as the broaden-and-build theory would suggest? If and then, does broadened thinking enable people to notice positive meaning within adversity? Again, these remaining questions provide directions for future work.

Positive Emotions Build Psychological Resiliency and Trigger Upward Spirals Toward Improved Emotional Well-Being

Preliminary bear witness suggests that positive emotions may fuel individual differences in resilience. Noting that psychological resilience is an enduring personal resource, the augment-and-build theory makes the bolder prediction that experiences of positive emotions might also, over fourth dimension, build psychological resilience, non simply reverberate it. That is, to the extent that positive emotions broaden the scopes of attention and cognition, enabling flexible and creative thinking, they should also augment people's indelible coping resources (Aspinwall, 1998, 2001; Isen, 1990). In turn, by building this psychological resource, positive emotions should heighten people's subsequent emotional well-beingness. Consistent with this view, studies accept shown that people who experience positive emotions during bereavement are more probable to develop long-term plans and goals. Together with positive emotions, plans and goals predict greater psychological well-existence 12 months postbereavement (Stein, Folkman, Trabasso, & Richards, 1997; for related work, see Bonanno & Keltner, 1997; Keltner & Bonanno, 1997). Ane way people experience positive emotions in the face of adversity is past finding positive meaning in ordinary events and within the adversity itself (Affleck & Tennen, 1996; Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000; Fredrickson, 2000a). It is of import to note that the relation betwixt positive meaning and positive emotions is considered reciprocal: Not only does finding positive meaning trigger positive emotion, merely also positive emotions, because they augment thinking, should increment the likelihood of finding positive meaning in subsequent events (Fredrickson, 2000a).

These suspected reciprocal relations among positive emotions, broadened thinking, and positive meaning advise that over time the furnishings of positive emotions should accrue and compound. The broadened attention and noesis triggered by before experiences of positive emotion should facilitate coping with adversity, and this improved coping should predict hereafter experiences of positive emotion. Every bit this wheel continues, people build their psychological resilience and raise their emotional well-being.

The cognitive literature on low has already documented a downwards screw in which depressed mood and the narrowed, pessimistic thinking it engenders influence one another reciprocally, over time leading to ever-worsening moods and fifty-fifty clinical levels of low (Peterson & Seligman, 1984). The augment-and-build theory predicts a comparable upward spiral in which positive emotions and the broadened thinking they engender too influence one another reciprocally, leading to observable increases in emotional well-existence over time. Positive emotions may trigger these upwards spirals, in part by building resilience and influencing the ways people cope with arduousness. (For a complementary give-and-take of upwardly spirals, run into Aspinwall, 1998, 2001.)

With Thomas Joiner, I conducted an initial prospective examination of the hypothesis that through cerebral broadening, positive emotions produce an upward screw toward enhanced emotional well-being. We assessed positive and negative emotions, as well as a concept we called broad-minded coping, at two fourth dimension points, five weeks apart. Broad-minded coping was tapped by items such every bit "retrieve of different means to deal with the problem" and "endeavor to stride back from the situation and exist more objective."

Our information revealed clear evidence for an upward spiral. Individuals who experienced more than positive emotions than others became more resilient to adversity over time, as indexed past increases in broad-minded coping. In turn, these enhanced coping skills predicted increased positive emotions over time (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2000).

These findings suggest that positive emotions and wide-minded coping mutually build on 1 another. Non only do positive emotions make people feel good in the nowadays, simply too, through their effects on broadened thinking, positive emotions increment the likelihood that people will feel good in the time to come. Because wide-minded coping is a form of psychological resilience, these data are consistent with the prediction, drawn from the broaden-and-build theory, that momentary experiences of positive emotion can build enduring psychological resources and trigger upward spirals toward enhanced emotional well-being.

Once again, many questions arise from these information. Does this upward spiral result hold over longer time intervals and across other measures of well-existence and broadening? What are the mechanisms of the result? Practise positive emotions beget future positive emotions because the broadened thinking associated with before positive emotions helps people solve their original bug, or because this broadened thinking enables people to find positive meaning in other life circumstances and thus feel additional positive emotions? Future studies, including experimental designs, are needed to answer these questions.

Concluding Remarks

What role exercise positive emotions play within positive psychology? Traditional views would suggest that experiences of positive emotion indicate well-being and perchance guide behavior in the moment. Without minimizing the importance of these functions, the broaden-and-build theory casts positive emotions in a much larger role. The theory suggests that positive emotions, although fleeting, as well have more long-lasting consequences. From the perspective of the broaden-and-build theory, positive emotions are vehicles for private growth and social connection: Past building people'southward personal and social resources, positive emotions transform people for the better, giving them better lives in the future.

More specifically, the broaden-and-build theory suggests that multiple, discrete positive emotions are essential elements of optimal functioning. As such, the capacities to experience joy, involvement, contentment, and beloved might be construed as fundamental human strengths that yield multiple, interrelated benefits (Fredrickson, 2000e). My ain inquiry outlines a small subset of these benefits. Specifically, I take shown that positive emotions (a) broaden people's thought–action repertoires (Fredrickson & Branigan, 2000), (b) disengage lingering negative emotions (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998; Fredrickson et al., in press), (c) fuel psychological resilience (Tugade & Fredrickson, 2000), and (d) build psychological resilience and trigger upward spirals toward enhanced emotional well-being (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2000). Complementing this work, two new perspectives highlight the lasting personal and social benefits of the positive emotions of gratitude (McCullough, Kil-patrick, Emmons, & Larson, 2001; see also Fredrickson, 2000d) and elevation (Haidt, 2000). I promise these initial findings inspire the further investigations of positive emotions that are needed to test, refine, uphold, or discard the broaden-and-build theory, which in turn will advance positive psychology.

One topic in particular need of study is the long-held merely scantly supported hypothesis that positive emotions foster physical health (for reviews, see Ryff & Vocaliser, 1998; Salovey, Rothman, Detweiler, & Steward, 2000). For instance, negative emotions, with their heightened and ofttimes prolonged cardiovascular activation, have been implicated in the etiology of coronary heart affliction (Blascovich & Katkin, 1993; Fredrickson et al., 2000; Williams, Barefoot, & Shekelle, 1985). If positive emotions shorten the elapsing of negative emotional arousal, perhaps they may also slow the incremental progression toward disease (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998). Relaxation techniques are known to reduce blood pressure in hypertensive adults (Blumenthal, 1985; Schneider et al., 1995), and they may do so precisely considering they capitalize on the broadening and undoing effects of contentment (Fredrickson, 2000a). Additionally, Ryff and Singer (1998) suggested that concrete health depends on having quality connections to others and leading a life of purpose. Recent evidence seems to support this assertion. For instance, people who consistently experienced positive emotions with their parents as children and then later with their spouses as adults were less than one-half as likely every bit others to exhibit high levels of cumulative wearable and tear on the trunk (Ryff, Singer, Wing, & Love, in printing). Similarly, in a longitudinal written report of 2,282 older Mexican Americans, those who reported high positive affect, compared with those with less positive affect, were one-half every bit likely to take become disabled or to have died during a 2-twelvemonth follow-up (Ostir, Markides, Black, & Goodwin, 2000). These new findings, although somewhat isolated, underscore the message that positive emotions may be essential for optimizing both psychological and physical functioning (Fredrickson, 2000a).

Yet the benefits of positive emotions identified thus far are likely only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. As the positive psychology movement inspires additional inquiry on positive emotions, fifty-fifty more than reasons to cultivate positive emotions may be discovered.

Acknowledgments

My inquiry on positive emotions is supported by Grants MH53971 and MH59615 from the National Institute of Mental Health, a Rackham Kinesthesia Grant and Fellowship from the Academy of Michigan, and funds from the John Templeton Foundation.

Biography

Barbara L. Fredrickson

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